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tv   Book TV  CSPAN  March 20, 2011 12:00am-1:00am EDT

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and so one of my ways into jackie was sort of saying i'm interested in court studies, she's interested in court studies, so that was kind of a natural kind of bridge for me. if you were to press me further and say, well, why -- no, i mean, to sort of say, okay, why court studies, bill? that i'm less certain about. that has something to do with my parents taking me to england for a year when my father had a is a sabbatical. i was 12 years old, and i hated it. my brother could go see the trooping of the color, and i wasn't. ..
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did she make money for doubleday in the and? did she lose money? you know, did she make a lot of money, with her financial performance relative to the other editors the war working during her time? >> i think she had a much easier time than the other editors. the other editors were kept much more strictly to being sort of forced into books the were profitable year in and year out. jackie did have some best sellers and important money spenders for the company.
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the power of myth was one, moon walk was another, the last darr was another best seller. almost all of the other tiffany books brought money to doubleday. i don't have a sense in the end from of looking at the hundred whether or not on balance they brought in money for doubleday. my sense is that she was allowed to do some projects that other editors would not have been allowed to do simply because she was who she was. and there was a kind of a p.r. for viking and doubleday. and so, there was a sort of thing which they didn't really assign a dollar value to, but which they regard it as kind of a commercial benefit. good question. >> there's a question right there. >> just a follow-up. did her publisher want -- use
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said her name wasn't always associated with the books. she didn't want her name on the book. but from commercial standpoint, did the publisher want her name on the book? >> i think they would have liked her name on the look but they didn't press her, they didn't press her on that and i didn't come across anybody asking her on the publisher's part, on the publisher's point of view to actually do it. oftentimes, her authors would say jackie can i please acknowledge you at least? because she did contribute to the book itself. and oftentimes, they said please, don't put me in the acknowledgement. peter, for example, want to put in the three golden keys, this book which was a profitable book actually a children's book about prague, he wanted her in the college and she said no, but he drew a little picture of his daughter in a cat costume same
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thing he for the dream, j.o.. so she's there. [laughter] >> one more question. >> actually, there's one right there. did you get cooperation or discussion with family members? >> the head of doubleday -- the head of doubleday was in touch with caroline kennedy about the beginning -- about the beginning of the project and let her know going ahead, but i didn't talk to her, no, about these books. so, she decided -- probably she gets about a dozen inquiries a year and she doesn't reply very much to any of them, and so i wasn't all that offended that she didn't -- that she didn't reply. so, no, i didn't have
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cooperation with the family. but in some ways, with this book, the books themselves are the record, and those things are out there in the public, and all of you can go and take a look at those books now yourselves. they own the majority of them and are on the shelves here, and so those mattered to me more than kind of personal correspondence or personal recollections of family members. but good question, thank you. [applause] [inaudible conversations] that was william kuhn on booktv. for more information, visit
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williamskuhn.com. up next on booktv maya jasanoff presents a history of about 60,000 americans who were loyal to the british empire after the revolutionary war. hearing retribution many of these loyalists fled to canada, jamaica and other locales then under british control. this is about 50 minutes. >> hello, everyone. my name is alex meriwether on behalf of the bookstore i am pleased to welcome you to this afternoon's friday for rahm with professor maya jasanoff come here to discuss her newest book, "liberty's exiles." before we get started i just want to take a moment to mention a few of our upcoming author talks, upcoming events include james carroll on march 11th discussing his new book,
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jerusalem, jerusalem how the ancient cities ignited our modern world. and unger on april 4th for american tempest, how the boston tea party sparked a revolution. upcoming ticket events include james klick, billy collins and governor deval patrick. for the complete calendar of events on harvard.com and the march eventful year. after professor jasanoff's talk this afternoon we will have time for questions, after which we will have a book signing here at this table, and you can find copies of "liberty's exiles" up at the registers. please know when you buy a book from harvard bookstore, you are supporting a local independent institution who genuinely cares about books, and this author series wouldn't be possible without the support. we are also pleased to have c-span's book tv taking today's event. when asking questions in the q&a, please know that you will be recorded, and please wait a moment for the microphone to
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come over to you before asking your question. and finally, now is a great time to make sure that you have silenced yourself phones. this afternoon on behalf of harvard bookstore i am pleased to introduce maya jasanoff come here to discuss "liberty's exiles" american loyalists in the revolutionary world. maya jasanoff is an award winning historian who brings us a largely untold story in this newest work. the story of 60,000 men and women who remained loyal to the british empire at the conclusion of the american revolution. these loyalists decided to leave their homes and become refugees elsewhere in the british empire and all over the world. the "boston globe" calls "liberty's exiles" a masterful count and historian joseph ellis notes losers seldom get to write the history, but the american loyalists have at last caught in the historian.
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jasanoff tells their story with some common style and grace. maya jasanoff is an associate professor of history at harvard university. her first book age of empire was awarded the 2005 cooper prize and was a book of the year selection in the economist, the guardian, and the sunday times. we are very pleased to bring her to harvard bookstore this afternoon. please join me in welcoming maya jasanoff. [applause] >> thank you for coming and let me speak to the harvard book store for hosting me. i've been coming to the bookstore since my undergraduate. that's a long time ago. and i feel like as my reading has matured, harvard bookstore has always been here to fulfill them. let me begin at the beginning with this book. there were two sides on the american revolution. but only one was on display early in the afternoon of november 25th, 73 when general
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george washington wrote on a gray horse into new york city. by his side trotted the governor of new york, flanked by an escort of armed guards. courtly general knox followed close behind leading officers of the continental army down the bowery. long lines of civilians trailed after them, some on horseback others on foot, wearing black and white with sprigs of loyal and their hats. hundreds crammed into the streets to watch. since 1776, through seven long years of the war and peace negotiation, new york had been occupied by the british army. today, the british were going. a cannon shot at 1 p.m. sounded the departure of the last british troops from the post. they marched to the docks, clambered into the boats and rode out into the transport reading in the harbor. the british occupation of the united states was officially over. george washington's triumphal entrance into new york city was the closest thing that the winners of the american revolution ever had to a victory
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parade, and for a week patriot celebrated the evacuation with feasts and bonfires, il nations and the largest fireworks display ever seen and north america. generations of new yorkers commemorated november 25th as the evacuation day, an anniversary that was later folded into the more enduring november celebration of the national togetherness, thanksgiving day. but what if you hadn't wanted the british to leave? mixed in among the had the new york crowd that november day, there were other less cheerful faces. for loyalists, colonists who sided with britain during the war, the departure of the british troops felt worried, not jubilation. during the war, tens of thousands of loyalists moved for safety into new york and other british help cities. the british withdrawal now resurgent questions about their future. what kind of treatment could expect in the new united states? would they be jailed, would they be attacked, but they retain their property or hold onto
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their jobs? confronting real doubts about their lives, liberty and potential happiness in the united states, 60,000 loyalists decided to take their chances and follow the british elsewhere in to the british empire. they took 15,000 black slaves with them bringing the total exodus to 75,000 people. or about one and 40 members of the american population. they traveled to canada, they sailed from britain, they journeyed to the bahamas on the west indies. some would venture further to africa, india. but wherever they went, this voyage of exile was a trip into the unknown. in america the refugees left behind friends and relatives, careers and land, houses and native streets. the entire unit in which they built their lives. for them, america seemed less an asylum to the persecuted as the patriots posted it than the potential per secure. was the british empire there would be their asylum offering land on emergency relief, a
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financial incentive to help them start over. evacuation day didn't mark the end to the loyalist refugees. it was a fresh beginning and carried them into a dynamic of the uncertain world. now, i just read you the first couple of pages of "liberty's exiles," and in this book with i try to do is lay out and explain what happened to the loyalists next, because usually our stories and the conflict since 1783 but as i try to show for this population, the repercussions went on, and it unfolded in distant places. and in the book, i try to distill the experiences of the 60,000 civilian refugees into the kind of meaningful overview of what all of this meant. and this afternoon i'm going to be even more kind of gross weight reduction is in my remarks because after sort of sketching out the big picture i'm going to focus on the experience of just one of these 60,000 people. so, let me explain a little about the big picture.
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stereotypes' still often suggest that loyalists were -- shared a kind of elite profile that they were white, wealthy, anglican, anglo centric members of the colonial population. but in truth, leila's some range right across the spectrum, social, geographic, ethnic and religious spectrum of early america. notably not all loyalists were white. about 20,000 black slaves during the revolution responded to promises extended by british governors to offer them freedom if they agreed to come join the redcoats. so again, about 20,000 patriot owned slaves joined the british which makes it the largest mass emancipation in american history until the era of the civil war. and by the same token, many american indian nations were also drawn into this conflict and slash it. and for them, they have also
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been harassed for generations by the land hungry colonists, some of them had indeed been allied with britain over the course of the previous war against france and so on, so many native americans also joined the war on the british side, notably the mohawks in the north and the creeks in the south. so loyalism cuts right across the population of early america. and there is a final element of the stereotype that i think is worth correcting. loyalists are also referred to as tories, quote on quote, the nickname for the british conservative party and the implication is loyalists more conservatives. they couldn't see the future, the innovation was to become republican. now in fact, many prominent loyalists were actually reformers in their own way. and they advanced schemes for the imperial reform that are worth paying attention to and that actually anticipate much later development elsewhere in the british empire.
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and so, for most of the people who were caught on the front lines of this conflict, which they called a civil war, not a revolution, this wasn't so much the war of ideals as it was often of ordeals in which violence came to their front door. they had windows smashed, livestock poisoned, property seized by the states, and violence, the violence of the war at least as much as ideology actually ends up being very important and in telling tens of thousands of loyalists to take shelter in the british held cities during the war and then to decide to leave the colony said the end of it. so what happened to the next and where did they go? well, fewer than 15% of these refugees went back to britain, and it was sent back for most of them because for all of that american colonists had also been raised to think of britain as
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home. very few of them had actually ever been there and so when they went to britain, they found themselves in a quite alien place different from the surroundings they had known here in the colonies. the vast majority of the loyalists or about half of them relocated to eastern canada particularly to nova scotia, which received something like 30,000 of these refugees, doubling the provincial population overnight, leading into the creation of the whole separate province out of new brunswick to accommodate these new arrivals. a very transformative impact in canada. and another 10,000 or so of these loyalists moved south, particularly those who had lived in georgia, south carolina, north carolina, and they traveled to jamaica and the bahamas and brought with them the vast majority of those exported slaves, the 15,000 slaves who traveled along with the white and black loyalists. and some of the loyalists, it should be noted, even range
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further. the most surprising aspect of this migration happened in 1791 when 1200 of the black loyalists, the freed slaves, moved from their initial place of refuge in canada across the ocean to west africa. they did it under the sponsorship of british abolitionists who wanted to found a free black colony on the coast of west africa, and the black loyalists were the pioneers of dollars of what became freetown in sierra leone. they were a bit more fortunate than other black loyalists who in the double bond the context on the first fleet bound for australia and some other lists even end up in india, including in fact the two sons of the ben mcdonald, and he has to sons who go to india and have a half indian grandchild and so i think that there is arnold lineage on
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the other side of the world. the point of this is within a few years of the end of the revolution, the mass of loyalist diaspora, there's some of it into the few pages of this book, the map of the loyalist diaspora looks like the map of the british empire as a whole. and this points to one of the key features that i wanted to signal about the significance of looking at this diaspora. because there really helped make sense of the seeming paradox. the american revolution was the greatest single defeat for the british empire. until the year of world war ii. this was the greatest loss of territory. it plunged the empire and the enormous debt. it was particularly a sort of humiliating kind of defeat as they solve their own closest colonist people they thought of in many ways of brethren break away. and yet, within just a decade or so, britain had bounced back to its striking extent, and it was
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to be the british empire that was the leading world power for the entirety of the 19th century. so how do we explain the paradox of britain coming out of a devastating defeat, and yet, in very short order going on to rule the world? we usually think of the sort of international significance of the american revolution in terms of the spirit of 1776, right? the values that helped mobilize other people around the world to express their own desire for liberty. but in fact, i contend it by looking at the revolution's impact on the enduring british empire that we can see an equally significant international consequence of this war. and in the wake of the american revolution, we see the british empire becoming a great loser. they regroup, consolidate and retold in three key ways, which i think we could label the
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spirit of 73. you won't hear that necessarily proclaimed in the streets of the tripoli or the square. nevertheless, i think it is worth highlighting the significance of this and again, making the empire the global hegemon for about a century. so there are three key features to this: when is territorial expansion, and the fact that the matter of the loyalist diaspora looks like a map of the british empire is not an accident because a lot of these loyalists become a pioneer settler is in different parts of the empire, such as sierra leone, and in fact the very first scheme to colonize australia is put forward by an american loyalist. another feature of the spirit of 1783 is the kind clarified sense of imperial purpose. empirical moral purpose. and this is apparent in a variety of dimensions again, regarding the loyalists. so, for example, the british
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government offers the refugees a whole range of charitable measures to help them get started. they give them a free passage to the other british demands, they give them land grants where they can establish themselves a new. they give them basic food rations, they give them things like shoes and nails and and things that resemble the way the modern international agencies give out to refugees today. and this moral purpose is also apparent on things like upholding the commitment to freedom to the black loyalists, which is heavily contested by american patriots who don't like the idea of their former property sailing off into the british empire but the british really stick to this. and finally, the british and of establishing a government commission, which gives loyalists compensation for the property that they've lost in america. and this is the time a very novel sort of expansion of contemporary ideas of state welfare, which barely resembles its current form.
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so you see the commitment to the employer as a kind of humanitarian entity and yet there's a final element to all of this because at the same time that they are being expansive and being sort of humanitarian and paternalistic, the british also realize that the defeat in america means they have to change their governing style in certain ways. and in particular, they realize what has gone wrong in america is that columnists have been given to much liberty. it's been too easy for them to protest. and so in the aftermath of the american revolution, you tend to see the british authorities being a bit more tight handed, a bit more centralized, a bit more hierarchical and this in succumbing of something as a shock to the loyalist refugees who've come out of the colonies where things were a little easier and go into the post revolutionary empire and find themselves at odds with the new style. and so, one of the things i was surprised by in researching this
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book is finding out as far as st. john's new brunswick, the bahamas, even freetown sierra leone you see the loyalists' actually rebeling against british authority asking for things like great representation and lower taxes, claims rather familiar to us from the revolutionary history. now, to give you a flavor of all of this, those are kind of the big arguments in this book. but it is also very much a narrative history. a history about individual figures and one of the things i was concerned to do is recover the experiences of these people who are a really neglected sort of refugee population in our historical understanding. and so, what i want to do with the rest of my time is read to you portions of the book which explain the story of the first refugee who actually kind of true me into this project. and she was a georgia loyalist called elizabeth johnston. and she wrote a memoir i can across early in my research.
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at that point fenimore was here and i wasn't living here so i made a photocopy and carried it around with me when i moved from one place to another only to then discover google books and did it on line in short order so that was extremely convenient. anyway, so johnston for a memoir that got me into this project, and her story sort of weaves in and out of the book in various ways. and so what i would like to do is unless i give you a bit of a flavor of the book and her life. and what remains. she was about 12-years-old when the war began. her father was a well-off -- sorry, he was a sort of a planter in georgia, reasonably well established on the plantation outside of savannah. he had a minor government office and so when the war began, he was accosted by the local patriots who wanted him to sign on to the local patriot association, and he refused to zoos do so.
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again, came to the historic and was able to run away on this team approach, but his 12-year-old daughter was just left there. her mother died. she was an only child and sushi and that getting packed off to the countryside to stay with relatives and ultimately to do with family friends in savannah the war went on. her father was fighting with the british in different parts of the north. after three years apart, they were finally reunited again when the british retook savannah the two of them at night and she also add that time that her future husband, a fellow brother officer of her father. her father wasn't happy about this match. her future husband, william johnston was described as one of the dashing fashionable to occupied british new york. he was a sort of a gambler and a flirt, very charming. he had been a medical student before the war but was happy to forsake his book for the gaming table. the two of them get married, and
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so it is elizabeth johnston's married life unfolds against the backdrop of the british defeat. and as the british are sort of pulling out of different locations in the colonies, elizabeth johnston and her husband william, who is still in the british forces move with them from one city to another. so let me try to sort it again, jumping through different parts of the book, tell you a little bit about the first set of migrations. they are in charleston and it's being evacuated. sorry, during savanna it is being evacuated and they join the fleet to go to charleston with elizabeth and william together. now it was an unusual choice for e elizabeth to go to charleston with william rhetoric and st. augustine where her in-laws had gone. not least of which because she was seven months pregnant and passed up the offer of the patriot friend of william to stay under savanna under protection until she was, quote,
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fit for moving the johnstons had already been a part for much of their short married life. and elizabeth wanted no more. she suffered the loneliness of raising their firstborn son, andrew, a quote, and some sweet fellow with a large proportion of his father's passion a temper, while william was away at war. and she acquired another reason to wish william close at hand, for beyond her watch, which had fallen into his old habit of gambling. a vice a destructive and ruinous in its nature, she said, that it threatens to wreck their growing family. he did not reveal the alarming extent of his losses to his wife, but wrote to her father with hang on a petition to support the family and their need. what was worse, williams peter opened a rift with his own offer and sisters. you know not how rich to have made me, he was with zero-point come until to distrust a father whose wish and care is to see his children happy. dr. louis johnston with his
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wealth and his influential connections was not a man to be alienated lightly. a rift with him what cut off the uncoupled from the best source of support and patronage. when british collapse and on her, he was at johnston followed her impulse and spouse. my husband wouldn't like the separation and i positively refuse to rename. not once did she mention the issue of principle involved in leaving her home. more strikingly did she not the obvious impetus for her extended family departure. every single one of johnston's close relations had been prescribed under the georgia confiscation and banishment act. but in her own telling, johnston didn't leave for the reasons of political sentiment but for emotional ones, the bond of conjugal love. but johnston arrived in johnston to find that city, too come in the throes of the preoccupation mayhem. a day in and out, they cope with shortages of food, ships and cash rising in the disorder and
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falling morale, and more than 10,000 civilians clamoring to relief and reassurance. while they were in the occupied city getting evacuated around then elizabeth johnston gave birth to the couple's first daughter in the comfort of the stately sequestered house. around her in the city everything is in motion and turned topsy-turvy. it's impossible to describe what confusion people of all denominations seem to be. the one is buying everything he can to complete the stock of goods. the second searching for the passage to some other garrison of his majesty's troops. third is going from house to house to the collective death. though the johnstons had no property to him when johnston they also faced pressure choices. william's regimen was due to ship off to new york city along with most of charleston garrison. far away and likely facing the amenity evacuation itself, new york made little sense of the destination for elizabeth and her children.
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this time they decided she would hit for st. augustine and stay with william's relatives on till he could join them to establish the first real family home. in early december, 1782, elizabeth johnston stepped into a small boat with her toddler son, infant daughter and a black nurse and rode into the harbor to board the square. it was like cruising into a jigsaw puzzle. above her loomed the curved walls of the city afloat, dark with slime and are not points of the figures scrouging a line of the decks and the ribs, the sale on a lattice. the loyalists and slaves with barrels of food, supply and livestock even the bells of st. michael's church to the waiting ships. more than fulfills of loyalists and 2600 blacks clashed out to join the convoy bound for jamaica. another group of 200 black loyalists soldiers gathered to sail for said fallujah of 200 individuals including various
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government officials joined the convoy for britain. finally the afternoon of december 12, the soldiers began assembling on the city toward the transport for the new york. two days later, the americans formally preoccupied charleston while the johnsons suite out to sea in opposite directions. he with of the garrison to new york city and she to join the rapidly growing loyalist community in east florida. now, many of the southern refugees went to east florida and they thought that this would be the perfect place to rebuild. it was a lot like georgia, a lot like south carolina and the territory have land available, and they were promised sort of an asylum. the problem however is that the british were going to hand florida overt spain and the peace treaty and the loyalists when they went didn't know that was going to be a horrifying thing. so after three tedious weeks, elizabeth johnston traveled down the georgia coast to
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st. augustine on shipboard always in motion even in her sleep. when at last they turned into the st. augustine they felt the stomach drop as they struck a sandbar. fortunately they managed to clear the obstruction which was more than could be set for another convoy brought against the shoal and ruining the refugees carefully exported. half a dozen killed this you on the sand sentinels of loss. johnston's impression of the slap were not good. she found her in walls, quote, much dissatisfied with the situation, grumbling over the future prospect. little andrew had been sick, the weather was constantly wet or cloudy, and then she wrote her husband she repented sincerely not coming with you to new york for what is life when separated from my kind, william? but a touch of sun in time to settle land soon awaken the johnston to the charms and curiosity of the, quote, very salubrious spot. she would have recognized dozens
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of hamas leader faces from savannah, the georgia this was not, she could see that much in the compressed shells of the cocaine a stone houses, the streets of the former symphysis go now the army barracks and the colorful presence on the other mediterranean islanders who had been recruited a decade earlier of the laborers for the settlement further south. johnston and joined the broad ramparts bringing the city. a pleasure it was after the supply shortages of the wartime savannah and charleston on the fish caught from the sea. i never was in better health and indeed never was so fleshy during my residence there. she later remembered. best of all, william got leave for a brief visit from new york and a good plan their future face-to-face. could it be that loyalists would achieve an east florida what the two decades of imaginative british colonization efforts had not, making profitable for plantations out of the
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subtropical swabs, flourishing towns from the struggling outposts and these were the hopes of many of the people there. in what even in april of 1783 the news of the peace treaty hit east for the loyalists like a hurricane article 5 of the peace with the united states which muted the possibility of receiving compensation from the state's paled for them next to article 5 of britain's's peace with spain and france by which britain agreed the east and west florida to spain with no strings attached. it seemed like a reasonable arrangement to the british diplomats who were more committed to keeping the strategically valuable than the economically disappointing florida. but the treaty yanked the ground from beneath the refugees. the debt already undergone the ordeal of leaving their homes often more than once, and the accepted the challenge of starting over in an underdeveloped land. now, even this hard asylum was denied them and buy their own the government at that. unless loyalists were prepared
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to swear allegiance to the king of spain and practice catholicism, the 18 months to gather up their possessions and go. vote war never location half of the distress which the piece has done to the unfortunate loyalists. elizabeth johnston wrote. no other profession made recommended to the clemency of congress, which is in fact casting them off altogether. and so they become one of these many thousands of refugees in florida that have to move again, and they cast about figuring out where to go next. they explore the possibility of jamaica, the bahamas, different sorts of the region's. and finally, the majority of the floor of the loyalists in that going to the bahamas, the johnstons have another option. they are reasonably well off, they have a lot of slaves, and the the seventh johnston's father is able to sell the slaves and use the proceeds to move on in their case to britain
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you will detect a theme of these places. the loyalists were not happy that pleases the ended up going and britain was no exception. the johnstons and unsettling because william johnston is a medical student at that time and edinburgh had the best medical school in the world, so they go there. he finishes his medical training but like many of the refugees, they find that the opportunities for employment are not so great. there's already a lot of professionals in britain and they don't necessarily need the colonial upstarts' to fill in the ranks, so the move again and they go under the patronage of the wartime supporters of william to jamaica. and the last part of the story i will tell you about in a little more debt is their experience in jamaica, which at the time was the richest colony in the british empire and was seen on the face of this alluring place for the refugees. its duty could take your breath away. from the sparkling surface of
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the water, slipped up to the mountains climbing into the clouds. over the slopes fill the green blanket textured and vegetables of the tropics. giant ferns and bromeliads, plants, muscular trees draped in epiphytes, stands of bamboo and palm. when you turn to the harbor and floated over the broken stones of the old capital court of leal mostly destroyed in the 1692 earthquake. the cleaning sand swept around the shore line to kingston, the replacement, the greatest british mitropoulos on the caribbean. the sliced circles of the mass, the sun, the water into liquid diamonds. no wonder the loyalists were captivated by it. such hills and mountains and everything so bright it is delightful, gushed one new arrival towards the spectacular landscape. and 18th-century compared the the of kingston to naples, with
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the blue mountains standing in for vesuvius and the submerge ruins of the port royal like a phantom pompeia under the sea. others let the grandeur and sublimity simply overcome them, knocking language from their lips. whatever else loyalist refugees move this on land they could see that it wasn't the 13 colonies anymore. now kawlija mako was a very wealthy place. it had these wonderful sugar plantations that generated enormous ounce of wealth. on the other hand, the things that made it rich also made it rather challenging as an environment for white refugees. one of the features of it being a tropical island is that was written with disease about which i will say more in a moment. another is that made it so well fi is it had these big plantations worked by gigantic numbers of slaves and the ratio to the whites on the island is like eight to one, ten to one. they were a tiny minority and lived in constant terror there
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with the slave uprisings that would knock them out. and white women were particularly rare on jamaica because for the most part the people who actually live there were professionals involved in the plantation business and very few whites actually made a family life on jamaica. said elizabeth johnston finds herself in this environment which seems to be full of promise, and yet it turns out to be very alienating sort of lonely place. and so, william johnston is very busy kind of working here, you know, attempting to cure all of these diseases which are all over particularly things like yellow fever, but elicited feels fairly isolated. i will read you a little bit about their life there. now johnston is a doctor on the slave plantations and mistreating a lot of black patients. he continued to treat white patients as well. a pan american yellow fever
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epidemic in 1793 proved a bonanza to his practice when his merchant clients in kingston call on him to attend to the sailors on their incoming ships yellow fever produces internal bleeding and jaundice. it starts with a headache and then fever, nausea and vomiting. when the bomb it turns black and gritty with blood it is almost over. the victim is usually dead within days. dr. johnston has the technique of bloodletting that others prescribed for the disease though if he dosed one patient after another with calomel, a mercury solution given as a part of, his treatment to have harmed as much as it helped. sometimes there were 17 or more funerals per day, elizabeth johnston remembered with distress. at their family house and halfway treat just outside kingston she had a large jamaica brood of children to worry about. eliza, born in 1787, a mother in 1789, than john, and james wild men. johnston congratulate herself that none of her family contract
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and yellow fever. but the resistance to the island's diseases wouldn't last much longer. by the end of 1793, the johnstons the five youngest daughter, jane, was that of scarlet fever at age two. you could not avoid death but you could try to come to terms with it. as if to replace the lost child the johnstons and their newest infant in 1794 james farley as well. with her, the johnstons went taking chances. because of williams' constant exposure to smallpox, keogh arranged to have the baby girl inoculated. although the procedure had become widespread in britain by then, there was always -- sorry, jamaica, there was the rest rather than developing antibodies to fight off the controlled infection the patient might contract the case of smallpox in stead. pence hs lee moffitt turned the incision where the virus was applied to make sure the infection didn't spread. the second james farley johnston just three months old wasn't so lucky.
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after lying on my lap for some time on a pillow, a very sad spectacle, one sorbian quite black she died in my arms. her angelic blue eyes never to open again. william carried a small body from elizabeth's laughed and she collapsed on the floor in grief and prayer. she lost two children already. one engender and another in jamaica. but this bereavement touched elizabeth johnston more deeply than any other. perhaps it had something to do with the sense that she could have stopped it, but she had actually approved and probably watched when the germs were applied. but to be there in that strange suffocating place with nothing familiar around her having no female relation to be with me only black servants and having to think about a direct everything for so many little ones, and of quote, it seemed too much to bear to read much exhausted in the mind and body, she fell into a serious depression. lot long after staff, the patron family, weigel bense offered to
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adopt the johnstons daughter eliza and tinker with them to britain. we couldn't for weeks ago our mind to part with her, johnston confessed come as they wrestled with the dilemma that faced generations of parents and in an inhospitable outpost is it better to keep the children close to home exposed to tropical danger or send them thousands of miles away home to distant britain? the end up sending the children back. as the pressures of mortality close in around them, the johnstons discovered jamaica to be a false refuge for them, too. william succeeded where many seven refugees had not by carving out a professional career, the hostility of the alien environment broke down his family both physically and psychologically. in 1796, a debilitated the laws of the johnston admitted defeat. she decided to return to aronberg with the children as a duty to their health and their morals, quote on quote, while welcome, who had to stay at the practice remained in jamaica.
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fully 40 years later, the greece still inside her when she remembered, quote, the morning of that sad day when i heard the vote came to take us on board for another subornation, another atlantic crossing, i hardly think i was in my senses. i uttered screams that distressed my husband to such a degree he would have been glad i had given up going. he begged me to let him go on board and bring things back but all i could say was it is too late. but as the figures on the dhaka dwindled into blurs on the ruins of the port shimmered away beneath the ship and the green and blue mountains reseeded in to out lines, she drew strength from a fresh source. in her darkest hours of mourning and isolation, johnston had been saved. she's all the arms of an unfamiliar got stretched out to embrace her. 11 accessible presence, the god of the baptist. the old anglican she had been trying to console herself with since florida seemed merely cold
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war now become a quote on quote come to her now. she found solace in the preaching of the dissenters which has been the means of a weakening many of a poor soul. her own path to conversion through personal people in distress seemed to crystallize the larger process of the recovery across the anglo-american will tour by the war. she had lost so much in jamaica that this discovery she could carry with her always. it was just as well for elizabeth johnston his memoir she wrote leader saturated in this religious language that she did have this experience because things would go on in a similar way. lots of migration, lots of loss and separations, and so it was finally after the back-and-forth across the atlantic between the couple more death of children, more travail that finally in 1806, 30 years after the declaration of independence, elizabeth johnston finally moved to nova scotia, the number one retreat for the loyalist
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refugees. she arrived within six months her husband william had died in jamaica. she stayed on in nova scotia and ended up having her family around her going forward. and so does the final word on elizabeth johnston, by a generation after the war, many of them to like her head resting places. and by the time johnston rehearsed the event of her life for her memoir in 1837, she was 73-years-old. her side was dimmed by cataracts, her memory twisted around old trauma like the tree growing amount barbwire all of those movements, all of the separations and so many death she had come of age during the civil war and spent decades of her adult life coping with the dislocation and bereavement yet there was no anger in johnston's recollection more any nostalgic longing for her lost home. she found it rather itself satisfied for she wrote herself in a new home now.
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little did i think ollie i and all of my family that settled in nova scotia she recalled while she achieved stability and social comfort she never before had known her surviving children became prominent members of nova scotia's professional and political elite. and some cases achieving positions of higher status than they could ever have plausibly enjoyed had they remained in the united states. after all their trials and migrations, the johnstons had arrived and evolved from american loyalists into the british and north american patriots. to follow johnston's narrative, these lawyers, excuse me, these losers were winners in the end. and i will leave it at that and happily take questions. [applause] >> beyond the united empire in canada, i was wondering if you could get a sense if there is a strong self-identification as
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the loyalists in the other areas as the diaspora spread. >> beyond the united empire loyalists in canada, the answer would be no. and i think the reason for that is that loyalists are at the beginning subject of the british empire, and at the end they are also subject of the british empire. and so i see the absence of this kind of nostalgia, a lost cause sort of thinking as a reflection of the fact they are successfully of sort into the refurbished british empire, and johnston as one example of course in canada where this is most pronounced but you can see versions of that in the diaspora as well. >> i read the first 100 pages and i am anxious to get to the end. but i was struck by the number of black loyalists. it seemed one-third of the
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group. when they went to these other places, did the fact they were suddenly free blacks have any effect on the case of the abolition in any of these parts of the british empire? >> it did. of the loyalists who left which is the same ratio as in the colonies. now abolitionism was a sentiment that had been articulated in the run-up to the american revolution in britain where slavery was an illegal from 1772 and onward to the revolution gets at a sort of push forward because these influential slave owners are no longer part of the empire, and partly because there is this new large black population that's free that's being freed during the war and britain sees this as a contrast, one of the contrasts by appointing black freedom different from americans who are enshrining black slavery as they see it. so yes, the american revolution
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is seen as a kind of galvanizing factor in accelerating the abolitionist cause in the british empire and the 17 etds at the time of enormous populism and the empire should be set despite the british to this day of the tradition and there is a lot of reverence paid to those early abolitionists. it must be said that the slave trade wasn't abolished for the whole generation yet. there's no doubt that the idea that there would be freed blacks and that their freedom would be upheld by britain was gaining ground in those years. >> i'm curious about one particular person you mentioned in the book which goes beyond just the general of benjamin franklin. franklin was his name. and the question is the writing of his story to what extent was
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political loyalty to britain, or was of the fact that they perceive him -- [inaudible] and there was this conflict and so on, to what extent does this play out in this case [inaudible] and how much we know about the personal factors which happen to be known? and i think that [inaudible] >> well, i think the first thing to say is the case the gentleman refers to is benjamin franklin, the great founding father, his only son, william, was a well-known loyalist, he was the governor of new jersey. he and of being in prison and can ultimately the leader of the loyalist community and occupied new york and then a bitter
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disheartened refugee in britain. now the rest between them was a deeply felt one. william was benjamin's only son and a child -- not only child, only son, and they basically ceased communication because of this. and this became particularly significant at a time of the peace negotiations at the end of the war and which benjamin franklin was one of the key u.s. negotiators. over the course of many months, the five peace negotiators are meeting in paris and hashing out all of the terms of the independence of the united states, and lots and lots of sticking points along the way that they resolve all of them until they get to one last one and the kind of fall of 1782i guess it is, and the sticking point concerns whether the u.s. is going to be made responsible for getting the compensation to loyalists whose property has been confiscated during the war. and on this point, you know,
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most of the other american negotiators are okay with it on adams and john but benjamin franklin will not give in on this point, and he says if you grant compensation, not going to sign the treaty. we have to keep on fighting the war. so if you want the reverse -- it anticipates his own leader acted sort of property related tensions. he largely rights will get out of the war leader and again they rarely ever meet again so i think the family to fight does matter and it says for me what i think about most is that getting into the personalities and getting into the individual experience is really important for explaining how the history has operated. >> you said in the introduction that this is the first book about bill loyalists, exiles,
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refugees -- now that you've written this, what do you feel should be the second book about this? not necessarily by you but by somebody else who picks off where you left off. [laughter] if someone picks up where you left off, would you like to see as the next book on this topic? >> that's a great question. i think -- well, one thing that needs to be written in a better forum is what happens to the loyalists who don't leave. there is a big -- there's a lot of sort of dissertation on this. there are some monographs, but i would like to see more about the integration of loyalists and how that might change the picture of the creation of the union in the early republic said that would be the american history side. there's also the kind of international history which i think would be the next step -- well i don't think i will do it, but which is the american revolution is seen at the age of the revolution there's the
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revolution in france and he, there's a lot of people in latin america, and in all of this period, the revolutionary napoleonic war ending in 15 years an enormous amount of political switching and movement and refugees fleeing from haiti and finance and from all over the world. and i would love to see some sort of book that is able to, you know, applied a similar sorts of approaches to looking at the next loyalties of the figures caught in the other revolutionary movement and there is an interesting history to be written about the shape of the united states in connection with some of these schemes and i think also the kind of interesting comparison to be done about the british empire. the french empire and the american ambitions in places like south america through these figures >> we have time for one or two more questions.
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>> [inaudible] [applause] >> we will have the book signing right of. the book is available for purchase -- >> this event took place at the harvard book store in cambridge massachusetts. to find out more, visit harvard.com. let us return, therefore, to the young single dude, not child but not yet old either. i see him as the result of four huge things. first is pre-adulthood. a decade more devoted to work and self exploration. women also spent years in pre-adulthood, the single years in the 20's and 30's but here's the difference. we men have the good vantage, miserable as it sometimes makes them, of knowing about biological limit. the large majority of women and
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men say they want children. that is what the survey consistently says. but for women whose fertility begins to decline by the time they are 40, that means that they may not be able to play or work without serious distraction for very long. even those who are unsure whether they will have children know that the decision alone imposes boundaries on their pre-adulthood. men don't have these pressing limits. they can take their time and they do. the second force shaping the child is a highly segmented and uncensored media environment. in the past, young men had never paid much attention to television and magazines. the media, in turn, had trouble figuring out how to reach that number male demographic. by the mid 90's, they found each other and fell in love. we've got back some magazine, cable news network, hollywood movies that also discovered the formula for attracting young
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males, and embarrassing bodily fluids and exposed female body parts. one of the channels is called spike and came on in 2003 with three runs of star trek and the original show called "babe hunt" in which contestants try to detect the difference is in to identical pictures of nearly naked women. i tried to show an image to show but i would have gotten kicked out. so, the third reason -- and we've got the 2i mentioned so far -- the third reason for the child man is independence. the young man reaches the age where any other period of history he would be defining himself as potential husband and father. with the understanding that he had the clear and important social role. today, the provider husband and fathers

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